Self-organization in Times of Austerity: The Solidarity Movement in Greece

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This paper seeks to con­tri­bu­te to the cur­rent dis­cus­sion in Anthro­po­lo­gy con­cer­ning aus­teri­ty in the
medi­ter­ra­ne­an area, see for examp­le Narotz­ky (2015), Knight & Charles (2015), etc. After
intro­du­cing some key events of the youn­ger histo­ry of Greece and the effec­ts of aus­teri­ty on the
greek popu­la­ti­on on a quan­ti­ta­ti­ve and qua­li­ta­ti­ve basis, this paper focu­ses on the impor­t­an­ce of
the so cal­led Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment. This move­ment con­sists of various auto­no­mous and self
orga­ni­zed groups try­ing to build up an infra­st­ruc­tu­re that allows peop­le to cope with their pro­blems
crea­ted by the cri­sis. My hyp­t­he­sis is that peop­le who­se digni­ty is under attack from aus­teri­ty
mea­su­res and who lost the belief that the sta­te could fix their pro­blems will deve­lop ano­t­her kind of
agen­cy which allows them to full­fil their needs in ano­t­her frame than the sta­te. This claim should be
cla­ri­fied by the ana­ly­sis of Kiathess, the Soci­al Cli­nic of Soli­da­ri­ty in Thes­sa­lo­ni­ki. In the end i will
deba­te the ques­ti­on wether the­se infra­st­ruc­tures are some kind of sub­sti­tu­te for a func­tio­n­ing
wel­fa­re sta­te or if they are an alter­na­ti­ve to the exis­ting sta­te struc­tures.


Hausarbeit_Beck als PDF down­loa­den


 

Table of Con­tents
-Key Events in the youn­ger histo­ry of Greece P.1–2
-Digni­ty is under attack by aus­teri­ty P.2–4
-The Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment P.4–7
-Soli­da­ri­ty for All (S4A) P.5
-Kiathess, the soci­al Cli­nic of Thes­sa­lo­ni­ki P.5–7 
-Alter­na­ti­ve or Sub­sti­tu­te? P.7–8


Sou­thern Euro­pe is in a cri­sis and Greece is the place whe­re the aus­teri­ty mea­su­res took, until now, the hig­hest pri­ce in “human cost” as descri­bed in the “take a stand initiative”((1)) of medanthro.net. Seve­re cuts in the public sec­tors of health, edu­ca­ti­on, trans­por­ta­ti­on and soci­al secu­ri­ty lead to a “situa­ti­on whe­re […] indi­vi­du­als that form­er­ly enjoy­ed a hig­her stan­dard of con­sump­ti­on must now make do with less.”((2))First some back­ground infor­ma­ti­on is nee­ded to under­stand the cur­rent situa­ti­on. I will intro­du­ce some key events in the youn­ger poli­ti­cal deve­lop­ment in Greece, then I will descri­be how this paper is struc­tu­red as a who­le. In the case of Greece, the cir­cum­s­tan­ces crea­ted a strong anti-aus­teri­ty move­ment which found one of its peaks in the squat­ting of the cen­tral pla­ces of near­ly every city in the coun­try in 2011.
This event fol­lo­wed the M15 move­ment in Spain and is the­re­fo­re cal­led the “Greek Indignados”((3)). Befo­re this, many young peop­le were poli­ti­ci­zed in the sucess­ful pro­tests against the pri­va­ti­sa­ti­on of uni­ver­si­ties and the imple­men­ta­ti­on of the so cal­led Bolo­gna pro­cess in the years 2006/07 and the mur­der of a fif­te­en year old boy((4)) by the poli­ce in 2008. In the after­math of the Greek Indi­gna­dos a new and lef­tra­di­cal par­ty was on the rise: Syriza((5)). After mis­sing the take­over of government in 2012 by a few per­cent, they won the elec­tion of Janu­a­ry 2016 with the pro­mi­se that they would stop the memo­ran­dum laws and aus­teri­ty mea­su­res. Their first big scores in the elec­tions of 2012, in May (16,8%)((6)) and in June (26,89%)((7)) coin­ci­ded with a decrea­se of mili­tant mass pro­test as seen the years befo­re. Syri­za gave pro­mi­ses to the soci­al move­ments to rep­re­sent them in the par­li­a­ment and that they would fight against the memo­ran­da which were impo­sed by the so cal­led Troi­ka on Greece. After three years of being the big­gest oppo­si­ti­on force and employ­ing the tac­tics of the “ripe fruit((8))”, they beca­me the government. But the nego­tia­ti­ons with the len­dors pro­ved to be har­der than many had thought. In the end even Syri­za could not pre­vent a third memorandum((9)) which led to the imple­men­ta­ti­on of even more aus­teri­ty measures((10)). For­mer Syri­za mem­ber Ton­ia told me that “[i]t is not pos­si­ble to do a real alter­na­ti­ve if you have the­se limits of memorandum”((11))
In this paper I explo­re the pos­si­bi­li­ties of the Greek popu­la­ti­on to cope with the situa­ti­on besi­des the par­la­men­ta­ri­an poli­tics and the nego­tia­ti­ons with the “Troi­ka”. My hypo­the­sis is that peop­le who­se digni­ty is under attack from aus­teri­ty mea­su­res and who have lost the belief that the sta­te could fix their pro­blems will deve­lop ano­t­her kind of agen­cy which allows them to full­fil their needs in ano­t­her frame than the sta­te. This goes tog­e­ther with the crea­ti­on of new infra­st­ruc­tures, new modes of repro­duc­tion as well as alter­na­ti­ve soci­al orga­ni­sa­ti­on. First I will show on a quan­ti­ta­ti­ve and qua­li­ta­ti­ve basis what is meant by “digni­ty under attack”, then I will descri­be what is cal­led “the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment” and ana­ly­ze one par­ti­cu­lar pro­ject. For a con­clu­si­on I will eva­lua­te whe­ther the soli­da­ri­ty struc­tures cur­r­ent­ly func­tion as a sub­sti­tu­te or as an alter­na­ti­ve for a (func­tio­n­ing) wel­fa­re sta­te. The empi­ri­cal basis for this paper is found in several inter­views, par­ti­ci­pant obser­va­tions and dis­cus­sions I had during a 6 week stay in Greece from Febru­a­ry to March 2016.
Digni­ty is under attack by aus­teri­ty
“It´s the first time that the cur­rent genera­ti­on have the belief that they are going to live wor­se
than the pre­vious genera­ti­on.”-Yian­nos Giannadopolous((13))
Sus­a­na Narotz­ky (2015) iden­ti­fies digni­ty as one of the major moti­ves for the poli­ti­cal mobi­li­sa­ti­on of anti-aus­teri­ty pro­tests in Gali­cia /northern Spain. Digni­ty in her paper is unders­tood as a moral frame of qua­li­ty in which the repro­duc­tion of a popu­la­ti­on is orga­ni­zed. It is under attack whe­re the “insti­tu­ti­ons that were direc­t­ly in char­ge of pro­tec­ting and pro­mo­ting working people´s well being”((14)) fail to do so. This insti­tu­ti­ons are for examp­le the health insuran­ce sys­tem or the soci­al secu­ri­ty sys­tem. In 2014, 12,7% of the Greek popu­la­ti­on were not able to recei­ve a medi­cal exami­na­ti­on or tre­at­ment that they would have nee­ded; com­pa­red to 2011 (6,3%) the per­cen­ta­ge had dou­bled. That class is a fac­tor which deter­mi­nes the access to health care can be obser­ved by the fact that only 3,2% of the top fifth of the socie­ty had to do wit­hout the ser­vices while 18,3% of the bot­tom 40% of socie­ty had no access to medi­cal
services((15)). The cau­se for this has to be sear­ched in the costs of the health insuran­ce and in rising unem­ploy­ment rates. Eva, a mem­ber of the soci­al cli­nic of Thes­sa­lo­ni­ki, which will be intro­du­ced later, told me that: “If you con­si­der that from the sta­tis­tics of the health ser­vices, we see that almost one third of the popu­la­ti­on, near­ly 3 mil­li­on peop­le were uninsu­red and exclu­ded from N[ational]H[ealth]S[ystem]. And given the fact that most of them are adults and also cover their kids through their insuran­ce […], [a]lmost 3–4 mil­li­on peop­le were  wit­hout free health services.”((16))
Ano­t­her front on which the digni­ty of the greek popu­la­ti­on is atta­cked is found in the cur­rent housing situa­ti­on. Becau­se no offi­cal data is avail­ab­le on homel­ess­ness I asked Eva, a mem­ber of the NGO “Emfa­sis” which is con­cer­ned with this pro­blem in Athens. She told me that based on the esti­ma­ti­ons of her NGO about 25.000–27.000 peop­le are homeless in Athens at the moment (not coun­ting the refugees!)((17)). Accord­ing to her state­ment, the gro­wing num­ber of homeless per­sons is clo­ses­ly con­nec­ted to the finan­ci­al cri­sis:  “If you get laid off and you dont have a fami­ly that can sup­port you. Whe­re are you sup­po­sed to go? […] Even if you get into a shel­ter it´s just for a limi­ted peri­od of time, also the shel­ters are full, so even that might not be an opti­on.[…] The homeless peop­le are much more than they used to be. And also you come across a lot of peop­le that are homeless with men­tal issu­es. Howe­ver, becau­se of the crumb­ling health care sys­tem they do not have access to any kind of the­ra­py, which makes their men­tal health situa­ti­on wor­se. More drug users are on the street as well, that was not the
case a few years ago”((18)).
This per­cep­ti­on of a soci­al worker in the streets of Athens can be cor­rob­ora­ted by dif­fe­rent fac­ts. To start with the HIV-infec­tion-rate which rose bet­ween 2011 and 2014 by 200%((19)), this can be traced back to a rise in intra­venous drug use. The rise of men­tal issues((20)) and drug con­sump­ti­on is pro­bab­ly con­nec­ted to an anxious atti­tu­de towards an uncer­tain future. (For the con­nec­tion bet­ween men­tal pro­blems and unem­ploy­ment see for examp­le Mari­na Kara­ni­ko­los et al. 2013)((21)). It is important to note here that this has a gen­der and age dimen­si­on: while women‘s unem­ploy­ment rates were at 30,1% in 2012 at the same time per­sons under 25 years had to face an unem­ploy­ment rate of 56,4%, the hig­hest in Europe((22)). One main dyna­mic of aus­teri­ty, which is found in many cases, can be illus­tra­ted by the fol­lo­wing examp­le. In 2013 the Greek health minis­ter imple­men­ted the “mobi­li­ty sche­me” which was orde­red by the “Troi­ka”. This led to the clo­sure of several psy­chat­ric hospitals((23)). The­se hos­pi­tals were clo­sed at a time when they would have been nee­ded as the sui­ci­de rate increa­sed signi­fi­cant­ly. The Hel­le­nic Sta­tis­ti­cal Aut­ho­ri­ty
recor­ded 407 sui­ci­des in 2011 and shows an even rising ten­den­cy with 508 (2012) and 533 in 2013((24)). Other sources indi­ca­te an even hig­her amount of sui­ci­des. For instan­ce, the New York Times reports 622 cases in 2011 and 598 in 2012((25)). The con­fu­si­on about the num­bers is under­stand­a­ble sin­ce it is not always clear whe­ther the death was inten­tio­nal or an acci­dent. This might also be rein­forced by the poli­ci­es of the ortho­dox church, which sees peop­le who com­mit sui­ci­de as sin­ners and even for­bids them to get buried in the pre­sence of a priest((26)). What hap­pens to the qua­li­ty of life for a popu­la­ti­on which depends on cer­tain infra­st­ruc­tures and from one day to ano­t­her the­se struc­tures crum­ble, fall apart or beco­me inac­ces­si­ble for them? Star (1999) points out that “the nor­mal­ly invi­si­ble qua­li­ty of a working infra­st­ruc­tu­re beco­mes visi­ble when it breaks: the ser­ver is down, the bridge was­hes out”((27)). The con­se­quen­ces are even more seve­re if almost a third of the popu­la­ti­on is pushed out­si­de the health sys­tem. So what can be done in a situa­ti­on in which the sta­te is not able to pro­vi­de basic repro­duc­tion to its citi­zens? (For the refu­gees, which are stuck in Greece at the moment, the situa­ti­on is even wor­se, but this is ano­t­her sto­ry). I will try to pro­vi­de an ans­wer to that ques­ti­on by illus­tra­ting the impor­t­an­ce of
what is cal­led “the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment”.
The Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment
“[W]e have now more than 300, may­be more, soli­da­ri­ty groups […] This soli­da­ri­ty groups are sup­por­ting peop­le in very dif­fe­rent ways, for examp­le: with food sup­ply or they were making soli­da­ri­ty kit­chens, the health cen­ters, the­re are soli­da­ri­ty les­sons, becau­se one of the first things that a fami­ly stopps in need is the les­sons for the child­ren for examp­le music or for­eign lan­guages.”((28)) ‑Ton­ia (S4A)
The ori­gin of the move­ment can not be deter­mi­ned in detail, sin­ce some of the struc­tures exis­ted alrea­dy befo­re 2011. At this point of time various neigh­bour­hood assem­blies exis­ted in Athens. Their exis­tence can be traced back to the mili­tant revolt of win­ter 2008. When the situa­ti­on cal­med again, many peop­le shifted their atten­ti­on away from the mili­tant actions in the city cent­re and went back to their neigh­bour­hoods and estab­lished the­se struc­tures. Then in 2011, the “Greek Indi­gna­dos” play­ed a signi­fi­cant role in the fur­ther deve­lop­ment of the­se assem­blies. At the core of the Indi­gna­dos at Syn­tag­ma in Athens was the “People´s Assem­bly” which empha­si­zed the impor­t­an­ce of direct democracy((29)) for the move­ment which “is ant­ago­nistic to the cur­rent rep­re­sen­ta­ti­ve demo­cra­cy and that calls for a far more radi­cal recon­fi­gu­ra­ti­on of poli­ti­cal power and relations.”((30))Tonia con­si­ders the Indi­gna­dos and the expe­ri­ence that peop­le should take their lives in their own hands as “the key”((31)) in order to face the pro­blems of unem­ploy­ment and pover­ty which lead to a situa­ti­on whe­re indi­vi­du­als loo­se their self deter­mi­na­ti­on and respect for themselves((32)). Her orga­ni­sa­ti­on “Soli­da­ri­ty For All” play­ed a cru­ci­al role in estab­li­shing the net­works after 2012.
Soli­da­ri­ty For All (S4A)
S4A is an orga­ni­sa­ti­on loca­ted in Athens, which dis­tri­bu­tes money to dif­fe­rent soli­da­ri­ty groups sin­ce they have access to a fund which was estab­lished by Syri­za. Every mem­ber of par­li­a­ment from this par­ty pays 20% of their sala­ry into this fund. When S4A star­ted as a group in Novem­ber 2012, about 50 soli­da­ri­ty groups were alrea­dy for­med in Greece. A very important fac­tor for the suces­ses of the­se orga­ni­sa­ti­ons is the strong mul­ti­pli­ca­ti­on of resour­ces through vol­un­teer work. S4A esti­ma­ted that they could sup­port 500–600 fami­lies each year direc­t­ly with their money by buy­ing them food. But through giving the money to the right pla­ces in the soli­da­ri­ty net­works a num­ber of rough­ly 8000 (!) fami­lies can be sup­por­ted every year((33)).
Kiathess, the soci­al cli­nic of Thes­sa­lo­ni­ki
The roots of this pro­ject have to be sear­ched in a soli­da­ri­ty cam­pai­gn for 300 refu­gees who went on a hun­ger­strike in April 2011. The ori­gi­nal idea of the collec­tive was to pro­vi­de medi­cal tre­at­ment for refu­gees, but in Novem­ber 2011, when the pro­ject star­ted, the first memo­ran­dum was alrea­dy signed and the first wave of aus­teri­ty mea­su­res hit the greek popu­la­ti­on. Many peop­le lost their job and with that their health insuran­ce. So after a few weeks the hos­pi­tal had to sup­port even more Greeks than refugees((34)). In a decla­ra­ti­on of the cli­nic, which was published in 2015, they express their agen­da of an unques­tion­ab­le right to health ser­vices for ever­yo­ne: “During the past years we, also, expe­ri­en­ced in per­son how the ques­tio­ning of the right to qua­li­ta­ti­ve and free health care has star­ted in immi­grants and refu­gees, which gra­dual­ly expan­ded to local Greek citi­zens. And we are wil­ling and deter­mi­ned to defend this right, on the one hand, with the par­ti­ci­pa­ti­on in the poli­ti­cal and soci­al fight of recon­struc­ting a tru­ly public and free uni­ver­sal health sys­tem and, on the other hand, with the ope­ra­ti­on of a soci­al cli­nic-phar­ma­cy of soli­da­ri­ty in our city.”((35))
The hos­pi­tal is neit­her reco­gni­ced nor sup­por­ted by the government, it exists out­si­de sta­te struc­tures. Nevertheless, it pro­vi­des first level medi­cal tre­at­ment. Gene­ral prac­tion­ers, den­tists and psych­ia­trists offer their know­ledge for free((36)). The huge amount of work which stands behind this struc­tu­re is ren­de­red visi­ble by the amount of peop­le insi­de the hos­pi­tal who come week by week to offer their time. This group con­sists of at least 300 people((37)). In addi­ti­on to this Eva exp­lai­ned that Kiathess is con­nec­ted with a wider net­work of some 200 peop­le which invol­ves spe­cia­li­zed doc­tors who offer exami­nia­ti­ons in their free time or even in rare cases smugg­le pati­ents into the sta­te hos­pi­tals under fal­se names in order for them to get medi­cal tre­at­ment on a hig­her level (like surgeries)((38)). The medi­ci­ne comes from dona­ti­ons. From the data of their pati­ents it can be recon­struc­ted that, sin­ce the 2011, near­ly 35.000 peop­le visi­ted the hos­pi­tal, most of them more than one time((39)).

But the work of the collec­tive can not only be mea­su­red in quan­ti­ta­ti­ve effect: “Star­ting to come here in our cli­nic they [the pati­ents] felt asha­med that they chan­ged soci­al cate­go­ry. And they actual­ly chan­ged soci­al cate­go­ry but this hap­pen­ed so quick­ly and so vio­lent that they could not rea­li­ze what hap­pen­ed. And as a first reac­tion they had the­se fee­ling of shame of not having a job alt­hough it was not their respon­si­bi­li­ty. If you see now our pati­ents com­ing in the cli­nic […] [t]hey are com­ing in a dif­fe­rent way. They have rea­li­zed what hap­pen­ed. They unders­tood that their health­ca­re right has some cru­ci­al dife­rence from the other human rights.((40))” Cha­ra­te­ris­ti­cal­ly for what is cal­led “framing”((41)), the soci­al cli­nic pro­vi­des the pati­ents with the pos­si­bi­li­ty to con­struct mea­ning to a situa­ti­on whe­re it seems to be the per­sons own fault to be out­si­de the health sys­tem. For the mem­bers of Kiathess the cur­rent con­di­ti­ons of health care are “not some­thing that hap­pens like an acci­dent. Par­ties and poli­ti­ci­ans that forced the­se kind of poli­ci­es, and still force this poli­ci­es know the results.”((42)) The aspi­ra­ti­on of hori­zon­tal and collec­tive based agen­cy in the hos­pi­tal — all decisi­ons are tried to be made in assem­blies on the ground of con­sen­sus — leads to a new dyna­mic situa­ti­on. This enab­les the pro­duc­tion of a new kind of medi­cal and soci­al know­ledge about the pro­ces­ses sourroun­ding the pro­ject: “This expe­ri­ence affords a new know­ledge, soci­al­ly and pro­fes­sio­nal­ly. Becau­se all this pro­jec­ts, all over Greece, the soli­da­ri­ty cli­nics have hori­zon­tal oga­ni­sa­ti­on. They do not have this pyra­mid that is all over the public sec­tor. So it is a dif­fe­rent way to work, this brings dif­fe­rent rela­ti­ons­hips bet­ween the peop­le that coope­ra­te. This brings new know­ledge on how to face pati­ents, both for the GP (gene­ral prac­tio­ner) and the psychologist.”((43))
On the basis of this know­ledge, the pro­ces­ses and the orga­ni­sa­ti­on of Kiathess can be descri­bed as an alter­na­ti­ve self-orga­ni­zed infra­st­ruc­tu­re. But given the cir­cum­s­tan­ces, can this struc­tu­re func­tion as an alter­na­ti­ve to the sta­te or is it more of a sub­sti­tu­te in times of cri­sis?
Alter­na­ti­ve or Sub­sti­tu­te?
First I want to point to the fea­tures that sup­port the sub­sti­tu­te argu­ment. It is obvious that in the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment a lot of peop­le work for free in ser­vices that, in their per­cep­ti­on, should be pro­vi­ded by a func­tio­n­ing wel­fa­re sta­te. By estab­li­shing the soli­da­ri­ty groups as a reli­able infra­st­ruc­tu­re for the vul­nera­ble parts of socie­ty, it may beco­me sta­tic in the sen­se that most of the work has to be sacri­fi­ced in order to keep things just run­ning. Becau­se other­wi­se the con­se­quen­ces would not be beara­ble. In this posi­ti­on the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment threa­tens its­elf with what could be if they did not exist. This crea­tes pres­su­re on the struc­tures. Eva from Kiathess told me that they would only be able to keep the pro­ject run­ning if new peop­le joi­ned their collec­tive. Most of the cur­rent mem­bers are “psy­cho­lo­gi­cal­ly tired”((44)). Ton­ia men­tio­ned that the vol­un­te­ers need “renewing ide­as. Becau­se some moment we will come to an end, if this is not giving some­thing more inspi­ring to the peop­le than just try­ing and try­ing to fight.”((45)).
On the other hand it can be argued that the work of the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment can be unders­tood as a soci­al expe­ri­ment which crea­tes a cer­tain amount of new know­ledge on how to orga­ni­ze socie­ty dif­fer­ent­ly on a small sca­le. Most of the peop­le invol­ved in the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment are on this side. Also, the dif­fu­si­on of the princip­le of hori­zon­tal orga­ni­sa­ti­on can be obser­ved all over Greece. This inclu­des the orga­ni­sa­ti­on in dif­fe­rent aspec­ts of repro­duc­tive work (Food((46)), Clothes((47)), Health((48)), Education((49))) and even found its way into the pro­duc­tive sphe­re, the best examp­le for this is the occu­pied d fac­to­ry of
Vio.Me((50)) in the sub­urbs of Thes­sa­lo­ni­ki. Other examp­les inclu­de media1 and art((52)) pro­jec­ts. The list could be pro­lon­ged, but the important point is the reso­nan­ce which direct demo­cra­cy, hori­zon­tal orga­ni­za­ti­on and the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment can enjoy at the moment in Greece. The impact of this should not be unde­re­sti­ma­ted, sin­ce all of the­se soci­al expe­ri­ments car­ry the means for orga­ni­zing socie­ty as a who­le on a dif­fe­rent agen­da. Like for most expe­ri­ments the out­co­me can not be pre­dic­ted. As a con­clu­si­on it is only pos­si­ble to say that the soli­da­ri­ty move­ment has crea­ted new soci­al infra­st­ruc­tures which are for the moment both: sub­sti­tu­te and alter­na­ti­ve.

 
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I would like to thank ever­y­bo­dy who took the time to ans­wer my some­ti­mes nai­ve ques­ti­ons and endu­red the hours of inter­views and dis­cus­sions with me. So i have to express my sin­ce­re thanks to: Yian­nos who sacri­fi­cied a lot of time to intro­du­ce me to the cur­rent situa­ti­on in Greece, Eva from Emfa­sis who show­ed me around in Omonia/Athens and pro­vi­ded me with an insight to her rough dai­ly work as a soci­al worker, Panos a very wise, socia­ble and fri­end­ly man who stay­ed young in his heart and Hara who always thought of me and invi­ted me to dif­fe­rent events from the For­eign Affairs and Peace Depart­ment of Syri­za, Nio­vit for taking me to the refu­gee camp in Elli­ni­ko, Ton­ia from S4A who show­ed me the impor­t­an­ce of the Soli­da­ri­ty Move­ment, Geor­gia from Sko­ros in Exar­chia with whom i sha­red some cof­fee, beer, a lot of ciga­ret­tes and a good dis­cus­sion, Eva from Kiathess who told me the sto­ry of the Soci­al Cli­nic, the wel­co­m­ing workers of Vio.Me who show­ed me around their fac­to­ry, Andrea for giving me a won­der­ful intro­duc­tion to etho­gra­phic rese­arch, Mr. Park who gave me enough time to finish this paper in a good way and Kari­na, Mimi and Kurt for always sup­por­ting me.


Foot­no­tes:

1Critical Anthro­po­lo­gy of Health (2014)
2 Knight, Dani­el; Ste­ward, Charles (2016) P.2
3 cf. Soti­ra­ko­pou­los, N.; Soti­ro­pou­los, G. (2013)
4 Alex­an­dros Gri­go­ro­pou­los was shot by the poli­ce­man Epa­mi­non­das Kor­ko­neas on the 6th of Decem­ber 2008. K.
clai­med that he had fired warning shots while under attack and that G. was kil­led by an richoch­et bul­let.
Süd­deut­sche Zei­tung (17.05.2010) Wit­nes­ses of the inci­dent told the court that K “had deli­ber­ate­ly taken aim
and fired.“BBC (10.11.2010)
5 cf. Cand­ei­as, Mario; Völpel,Eva (2014) P.143–197
6 BBC (07.05.2012)
7 The Guar­di­an (18.06.2012)
8 cf. Inter­view (21.02.2016)Appendix P.4
9 BBC (15.08.2015)
10 BBC (21.08.2015)
11 Inter­view (15.03.2016) Appen­dix P.12

13 Inter­view (21.2.2016); Appen­dix P.1
14 Narotz­ky, Sus­a­na (2015) P.3
15 cf. Hel­le­nic Sta­tis­ti­cal Aut­ho­ri­ty (March 2016), P.39

16 Inter­view (22.03.2016) Appen­dix P.13
17 Inter­view (14.03.2016) Appen­dix P.5
18 Inter­view (14.03.2016) Appen­dix P.5
19 The Guar­di­an (21.04.2014)
20 Near­ly ever­y­bo­dy to whom i asked the ques­ti­on about this con­fir­med that they could spec­ta­te a rise of
depres­si­on, panic attacks and anxie­ty in their envi­ron­ment.
21 cf. Kara­ni­ko­los, Mari­na; et al (2013) P.4
22 Soli­da­ri­ty For All (March 2013)
23 cf. Keept­al­king­greece (25.11.2013)

24 Hel­le­nic Sta­tis­ti­cal Aut­ho­ri­ty; (14/05/2015)
25 New York Times; (04.04.2012)
26 cf. Bra­nas, C. C. et al p.2
27 Star (1999) P.6
28 Inter­view (15.03.2016) P.9–10
29 cf. Nikos,Sotirakopoulos; George,Sotiropoulos (2013)

30 Nikos,Sotirakopoulos; George,Sotiropoulos (2013) P.4
31 Inter­view (15.03.2016) Appen­dix P.10
32 cf. ibid Appen­dix P.11
33 cf. ibid Appen­dix P.12
34 cf. Inter­view (22.03.2016) Appen­dix P.13
35 Kiathess (2015)

36 cf. Inter­view (22.03.2016) Appen­dix P.13
37 cf. ibid. Appen­dix P.17
38 cf. ibid. Appen­dix P.18
39 cf. ibid. Appen­dix P.18
40 Ibid. Appen­dix P.15
41 Ben­ford, Robert; Snow, David (2000)
42 Inter­view (22.03.2016) Appen­dix P.14

43 Inter­view (22.03.2016) Appen­dix P.16
44 Ibid. Appen­dix P.17
45 Inter­view (15.03.2016) Appen­dix P.12
46 cf. Alja­ze­e­ra (10.10.2015
47 cf. Eeco­s­phe­re (2015)
48 Besi­des Kiathess the MCCH in Athens is one of the big­gest soci­al cli­nics in Greece. cf. Metro­po­li­an Com­mu­ni­ty
Cli­nic at Hel­li­ni­ko
49 cf. Tuto­r­pool
50 cf. Vio.Me
51 cf. Radio­bub­ble
52 cf. Alpha-Movie

Semi­nar: Anar­chis­mus und anar­chis­ti­sche Anthro­po­lo­gie: Eine Ein­füh­rung in die
poli­ti­sche Eth­no­lo­gie und Rechts­eth­no­lo­gie
bei Sung Joon Park, Ph.D.
Win­ter­se­mes­ter 2015/16

Ver­fas­ser: Ben­ja­min Beck
Email: Beckben93@yahoo.de
Matrikelnummer:213207885
Stu­di­en- und Fach­se­mes­ter: 6

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